Raül Romeva i Rueda

Avui dimecres debatim a Estrasburg (Parlament Europeu) una resolució sobre Cuba en relació a la malaurada mort d’Orlando Zapata Tamayo (la qual, per cert, vaig condemnar en l’apunt Orlando Zapata d’aquest bloc). En tant que Grup Verds/ALE, hem presentat una proposta de Resolució (l’adjunto més avall). Ahir es va negociar un esborrany conjunt amb els altres grups, i avui toca fer el debat en ple (he sol.licitat poder-hi intervenir). La votació serà demà.

8.3.2010

B7?0178/2010

MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION to wind up the debate on the statements by the Council and Commission pursuant to Rule 110(2) of the Rules of Procedure

on the death of Orlando Zapata Tamayo in Cuba Franziska Katharina Brantner, Raül Romeva i Rueda on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group

B7?0178/2010
European Parliament resolution on the death of Orlando Zapata Tamayo in Cuba

The European Parliament,
–          having regard to the statement made by the spokesperson for the High Representative, Catherine Ashton, on 25 February 2010,
–          having regard to the Council Conclusions on Cuba of 15 June 2009,
–          having regard to Rule 110(2) of its Rules of Procedure,

A.         whereas Orlando Zapata Tamayo died in prison following a hunger strike, and whereas his death could have been avoided,
B.         whereas all States have a duty and responsibility to protect the lives of their citizens and persons living within their borders, irrespective of the conditions they find themselves in,
C.         whereas the Council has engaged in a political dialogue with Cuba and has relaunched development cooperation with Cuba, and whereas Cuba is a member of the ACP group,
D.         whereas in its external policy the EU follows a general approach based on dialogue and support, rather than isolation, and whereas numerous European development agencies and foundations are active in Cuba,

1.         Deeply deplores the death of Orlando Zapata Tamayo and expresses its condolences to his family and friends;
2.         Rejects the idea that any country in the world should have political prisoners, calls for all such prisoners to be released, and insists that prisoners, whatever they are accused of, must be treated in a humane manner and held under conditions which safeguard their health;
3.         Reiterates that freedom of expression and information is a fundamental right and that over almost two decades the Internet has become one of the most important tools to guarantee freedom of expression and information; calls on the Commission to offer its financial and technical support with a view to ensuring that all Cuban citizens have access to the Internet;
4.         Takes the view that the signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights by Cuba in Washington in February 2008 offers Cuban citizens the fundamental tools to pursue social and political progress as they perceive it, and invites them to use those tools; in the light of those covenants, condemns the attitude of the Cuban Government towards Orlando Zapata Tamayo;
5.         Considers that the existing embargo is anything but conducive to achieving such progress, and urges all the parties involved to refrain from imposing such embargoes, including economic embargoes;
6.         Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the Member States and the Government of Cuba.

Foto: Orlando Zapata. Font: desc. 

Carta Europea de les Dones, de Raül Romeva (per a Crònica.cat)

Ahir al Parlament Europeu, coincidint amb el Dia de la Dona Treballadora (8 de març), vàrem valorar la presentació divendres passat, per part de la Comissió Europea, de la Carta Europea de les Dones.

La Carta de les Dones de la Comissió Europea és una declaració molt necessària i molt ben intencionada a favor de la igualtat de gènere a Europa. Tanmateix, més enllà de les paraules i les bones intencions, allò que marcarà el rumb encertat seran sobre tot les accions de la Comissió en els propers mesos i anys.

Lamento, en aquest sentit, que la Comissió no hagi consultat el Parlament Europeu ni la societat civil en l’el.laboració de la Carta. La Comissió ha de ser conscient que ens necessitarà a ambdós, Parlament i Societat civil, si vol que les propostes es concretin i prosperin, especialment en la mesura en què aquestes propostes han d’esdevenir legislació reforçada i han d’establir objectius en termes d’igualtat que siguin obligatoris per a tota la UE.

I és que en temes d’igualtat correm un risc important del qual vull advertir: el risc no només de no avançar, sinó d’anar enrera. El crisi econòmica ha afectat desproporcionadament les dones i les diferències salarials que discriminen en funció del gènere s’han eixamplat en aquests darrers anys, malgrat la presència de legislació de la UE contra això. És inacceptable que l’any 2010 les dones europees cobrin de mitjana gairebé un 18% menys que els homes, per fer la mateixa feina o per assumir responsabilitats equivalents. De la mateixa manera, és també un fet, més que lamentable, que en època de crisi augmenta notablement la violència de gènere.

La Carta de les Dones de la Comissió reïx a reconèixer els desafiaments davant dels quals ens trobem, però ara toca veure si entre totes i tots som capaços de dotar-nos de les eines que ens han de permetre superar-los.

Foto: Intervenció en la Jornada sobre Dones i Crisi, organitzada per Dones amb Iniciativa el passat dissabte 6 de març, i on vàrem parlar de les mesures per fer front a la crisi des d’una perspectiva de gènere. Acompanyat a la taula per Mercè Claramunt i Ricard Gomà. Font: Mari-bel Vargas Calero.

Comencem una nova setmana de plenària a Estrasburg. A l’ordre del dia temes com Cuba, la Política Exterior i de Seguretat Comuna, Dia Internacional Dona Treballadora, Gaza, Llibertat de circulació persones amb visats llarga durada, Estratègia 2020, Deute de Grècia, efectes tempesta Xyntia, Chile i ajuda humanitària, No Proliferació Nuclear, més protecció per a persones que contractin paquets de vacances, entre d’altres i urgències de drets humans (per exemple Mèxic), entre d’altres.

Com és habitual em toca seguir algunes d’aquestes qüestions, tant pel què fa a l’el.laboració de Resolucions, com pel què fa a debats en ple. Un d’aquests temes és l’impacte de les grans catàstrofes naturals que han tingut lloc recentment tant a Madeira com a França, degut a la tempesta Xynthia.

La part important en aquesta resolució, per a mi, és que sobretot a Madeira, però també a d’altres parts, s’ha construit de manera salvatge en zones on manifestament era poc (o gens) recomanable fer-ho, precisament pel risc d’inundacions (veure considerand F de la nostra Resolució Considerando que los efectos de las lluvias tormentosas se vieron agravados en Madeira  por
la expansión de las zonas urbanas y por errores de planificación y que
la presión en favor de la recalificación de terrenos forestales en
zonas urbanizables ha contribuido al deterioro de la protección de la
vegetación y los suelos, de modo que la mitad del territorio de Madeira
está amenazado de desertificación y un tercio sufre erosión grave). I el pitjor és que s’ha fet amb Fons Feder (recursos comunitaris). En la resolució exigim de manera clara que no es destini fons UE a promoure construccions d’aquesta mena (article 6 de la nostra Resolució: Pide
que la cofinanciación mediante fondos de la UE (en particular los
Fondos Estructurales, el FEADER, el Fondo de Cohesión y el Fondo de
Solidaridad de la Unión Europea) destinada a la ejecución de dichos
planes esté supeditada a la condición de un uso sostenible del suelo).

Ara n’estem negociant un text de compromís amb d’altres grups, però si la resolució conjunta no inclou aquestes dues premises, hi votarem en contra, ja que ens sembla absurd ‘lamentar’ simplement les conseqüències d’un desastres natural sense assumir-ne lliçons i responsabilitatats polítiques.

N’adjunto la Resolució complerta que, conjuntament amb d’altres col.legues dels Verds/ALE, hem impulsat al respecte: (segueix…)

4.3.2010
B7?0155/2010
PROPUESTA DE RESOLUCIÓN
tras las declaraciones de la Comisión sobre las graves catástrofes naturales registradas en la región autónoma de Madeira y en Francia presentada de conformidad con el artículo 110, apartado 2, del Reglamento por Raül Romeva i Rueda, Michail Tremopoulos, Catherine Greze, François Alfonsi, Sandrine Bélieren nombre del Grupo Verts/ALE

B7?0155/2010

Resolución del Parlamento Europeo sobre las importantes catástrofes naturales registradas en la región autónoma de Madeira y en Francia

El Parlamento Europeo,

–          Visto el artículo 191 del Tratado de Funcionamiento de la Unión Europea (antiguo artículo 174 del TCE),

–          Vistas sus Resoluciones, de 7 de septiembre de 2006, sobre los incendios forestales y las inundaciones[1], de 5 de septiembre de 2002, sobre los desastres causados por las inundaciones en la Europa central[2], de 8 de septiembre de 2005, sobre las catástrofes naturales (incendios e inundaciones) en Europa[3], y sus Resoluciones de 18 de mayo de 2006, sobre las catástrofes naturales (incendios, sequías e inundaciones) – aspectos agrícolas[4], aspectos del desarrollo regional[5] y aspectos medioambientales[6],

–          Vista su Posición, de 25 de abril de 2007, respecto de la Posición Común del Consejo con vistas a la adopción de una Directiva relativa a la evaluación y gestión de los riesgos de inundación,

–          Vistas la propuesta de la Comisión de un Reglamento del Parlamento Europeo y del Consejo por el que se crea el Fondo de Solidaridad de la Unión Europea (COM(2005)0108) y la Posición en primera lectura del Parlamento, de 18 de mayo de 2006,

–          Visto el Libro Blanco de la Comisión titulado «Adaptación al cambio climático: Hacia un marco europeo de acción» (COM(2009)147),

–          Vista la misión de una delegación de la Comisión de Desarrollo Regional a Madeira, que tuvo lugar los días 26 a 28 de octubre de 2009,

–          Visto el artículo 110, apartado 2, de su Reglamento,

A.         Considerando que, el 20 de febrero de 2010, a causa de las fuertes lluvias se produjeron corrimientos de tierras en la región autónoma de Madeira que provocaron la muerte de 48 personas y la devastación de los alrededores de la capital de la isla, y que el 27 de febrero de 2010 las inundaciones habidas en Francia tras el paso de la borrasca atlántica Xynthia causaron la pérdida de al menos 50 vidas, aparte de graves daños, y la desaparición de otras personas y que varios miles quedaran sin techo,

B.         Considerando que los desastres han causado daños a infraestructuras públicas (entre ellas, carreteras, abastecimiento de aguas, electricidad, saneamientos y telecomunicaciones) y a edificios privados, establecimientos comerciales, industria y terrenos agrícolas, y que los daños al abastecimiento de aguas y los saneamientos, en particular, podrían dar lugar a riesgos para la salud de las personas;

C.         Considerando que en los últimos años se ha puesto de manifiesto la probabilidad de que aumente la frecuencia de los problemas derivados de inundaciones, tormentas y otros fenómenos meteorológicos extremos; considerando que la inversión destinada a combatir el cambio climático es por esta razón una inversión para prevenir catástrofes,

D.         Considerando que el auge del desarrollo turístico dio lugar a la construcción de carreteras y a la pavimentación extensa en zonas costeras, lo que ha tenido como consecuencia que las canalizaciones resultasen insuficientes para evacuar volúmenes extraordinariamente grandes de agua y se desbordasen,

E.         Considerando que, en algunas zonas, se habían drenado humedales naturales para utilizarlos como terrenos urbanizables tras la construcción de diques,

F.         Considerando que los efectos de las lluvias tormentosas se vieron agravados en Madeira  por la expansión de las zonas urbanas y por errores de planificación y que la presión en favor de la recalificación de terrenos forestales en zonas urbanizables ha contribuido al deterioro de la protección de la vegetación y los suelos, de modo que la mitad del territorio de Madeira está amenazado de desertificación y un tercio sufre erosión grave,

G.         Considerando que las catástrofes naturales tienen consecuencias perjudiciales de carácter económico y social para las economías regionales, las actividades productivas, la acuicultura, el turismo, el medio ambiente y la diversidad biológica,

1.         Deplora las pérdidas de vidas humanas y manifiesta su solidaridad con los habitantes de las zonas devastadas por los desastres;

2.         Considera que las autoridades nacionales, regionales y locales deben centrarse en unas medidas eficaces de prevención y dedicar más atención a legislar adecuadamente sobre el uso del suelo, la gestión de las aguas y la gestión eficaz de riesgos y a hacer cumplir esta legislación, pues es importantísimo para reducir al mínimo los efectos negativos de los fenómenos meteorológicos adversos;

3.         Insta a los Estados miembros a que tomen medidas para sensibilizar a la población y garantizar unas prácticas más sostenibles de uso del suelo que se adapten mejor a las características del espacio natural;

4.         Pide a los Estados miembros y las regiones interesados que elaboren planes de restauración y rehabilitación para las zonas afectadas, sin olvidar lo necesario para contribuir a prevenir futuras inundaciones de manera sostenible respetando las llanuras aluviales naturales;

5.         Pide a los Estados miembros que se adapten a las consecuencias del cambio climático dando curso a la legislación vigente mediante un enfoque integrado en todas las áreas afectadas;

6.         Pide que la cofinanciación mediante fondos de la UE (en particular los Fondos Estructurales, el FEADER, el Fondo de Cohesión y el Fondo de Solidaridad de la Unión Europea) destinada a la ejecución de dichos planes esté supeditada a la condición de un uso sostenible del suelo;

7.         Pide a la Comisión que movilice el actual Fondo de Solidaridad de la UE de la manera más flexible y sin demora; pide que se someta a supervisión la sostenibilidad de las medidas de restauración;

8.         Encarga a su Presidente que transmita la presente Resolución al Consejo y a la Comisión, así como a los Gobiernos de los Estados miembros afectados.

Foto: Imatges de Funchal. Font: EFE/La Patria

Explanatory statement: Gender impact of the economic and financial crisis (Part 3 of 3)

Migration – the financial and economic crisis has exacerbated the vulnerability of migrant workers and their families

Particular attention must be given to immigrant women who make up approximately 54% of the total number of immigrants in the European Union.

The financial/economic crisis has exacerbated the vulnerability of migrant women and their families and there is increasing evidence of how migrants are affected by this crisis. There is evidence, also from the experience of previous situations of crisis, that women and children are disproportionately affected. For example, girls are the first to be withdrawn from school and violence against women and children tends to intensify in time of economic hardship.

The lack of care policies and infrastructures has led to an increase in female migrant domestic workers filling these gaps in private homes without access to social and work-related protection and benefits (and often without any legal status because of the national migration regimes.

Discriminatory practices are not only a human rights concern but also obstacles to the inclusion, acceptance and integration of migrants in host countries. Conversely, human rights based regulations and policies which promote access to decent work, health care, education and adequate housing are important not only for the protection of migrants’ human rights, but also for their social inclusion and integration. Another challenge is to ensure that migrants’ human rights, more generally, are not undermined in the context of the economic crisis.

Opportunities in policy responses and recovery plans

The responses to the recession at the European and national level also represent an opportunity and transformational moment to promote gender equality. A gender sensitive analysis at this moment also has the advantage of avoiding unintended consequences of ineffective policy or unintended outcomes. Investment in social infrastructure is an opportunity to modernise Europe, promote equality and can be seen as a parallel strategy to investment in green technologies modernising the physical infrastructure.

‘Green jobs’ have the potential to become a key growth segment of future European labour market, already today more than 20 million jobs in the European Union can be considered as ‘green’ (10% of total employment), and recent evidence shows that jobs in the renewable energy sector alone have a potential to double to 2.8 million by 2020,

The ecological conversion of the economy and the transition from so-called ‘sunset industries’ to low-carbon economy will create a huge demand for workers in skilled trades or professions. Filling the green collar jobs will require adequate training programs, re-training and education programmes

Yet looking at the huge amount of studies available we discover that green jobs are almost entirely male dominated, especially in the alternative energy area. Women are strongly under-represented in the renewable sector and especially in science and technology-intensive jobs’.

A fair, just and equitable ecological conversion cannot afford women’s exclusion from the transition to the green economy, i.e. certain trades and professions, training and re-training. The EU Commission also recognised that ‘we need women in exactly the same sort of jobs as men’. Thus without a focused effort, women will be chronically under-represented in or even excluded from the green economy and green collar jobs.

As equality between citizens is one of the Union’s fundamental values, men and women with equal skills should have equal access to all jobs, in the private and public sector alike. The second argument is very pragmatic: women’s potential is indispensible for the ecological transformation of society. Europe can no longer afford to neglect its female human resources by treating women as a back-up plan to boost the workforce only when economic conditions dictate the demand.

The financial and economic crisis provides us with a huge opportunity to develop responses and perspectives and identify policy spaces for intervention and alternative solutions.

Veure també:

Informe Romeva sobre
Gènere i Crisi: Introducció (Part 1 de 3)

Informe Romeva sobre
Gènere i Crisi: Introducció (Part 2 de 3)

Font foto: UGT

Explanatory statement: Gender impact of the economic and financial crisis (Part 2 of 3)

Segregated labour market

This current crisis is unlike previous recessions: the economic slowdown is likely to affect women more than men. In contrast to past periods of economic downturn, women now account for a much greater proportion on the labour market. Women’s integration into the workplace not only means a greater direct impact of the crisis on women themselves, but also on households, where income will be significantly affected by female job losses. And with employment patterns characterised by gender segregated labour markets, gender gaps in pay, higher levels of part-time and precarious work and higher concentration in the so called informal sector with lower earnings and less social protection, women are not in an advantageous position to weather the crisis.

There is not doubt that gender equality should be a key principle in any policy response, as the effects of the economic and financial crisis go beyond the scope of women in the world of work and have an impact on the overall stability of society, considering the various roles that women play. In times of economic upheaval, women often experience the negative consequences more rapidly and are slower to enjoy the benefits of recovery. And already before the crisis, the majority of working women were in the informal economy with lower earnings and less social protection.

Women’s concentration in public sector services has, in the past, helped protect them from the initial impact of recessionary conditions. However, as employees of the public sector and users of services, for example care services, women are particularly sensitive to budget cuts as the impact of falling tax receipt takes hold. State income and expenditure are gendered; while men tend to be the main contributors to state revenue in terms of taxation due to their higher earning, women tend to be the prime beneficiaries of State expenditure through the provision of services that are also gendered: childcare, dependent persons care, housing, education and health. Reductions therefore in public expenditure are far more likely to impact directly women.

Gender impact analysis prior to public spending cuts is crucial to understanding the gender impact of such policies both in the short and the long term. Activation aiming to lower benefits payments by making employment an attractive option and active inclusion policies that seek to engage women and men in the labour-market are also gendered as these depend on the provision of subsidised services such as childcare/dependent persons’ care.

Reductions in public expenditure will also undoubtedly result in the transfer of services such as care back to women, preventing them further from fully participating in all aspects of life. Similarly the impact of expenditure cuts to support services in socio-economically disadvantaged communities will result in a greater reliance on women both within families and in the community.

Impacts on labour and employment

The unemployment rate for males rose from 7.5 to 9.9% in the Euro Area and from 7.2% to 9.7% in the EU 27 between November 2008 and November 2009. The female unemployment rate increased from 8.6% to 10.0% in the euro area and from 7.8% to 9.2% in the EU27. The monthly EU employment report for February 2009 lines out that “the unemployment rate for women has been higher than that of men, but the gap has been narrowing”. Compared with a year ago, all Member States recorded an increase in their unemployment rate in 2010. The more vulnerable groups will be most affected as the employment situation deteriorates and as generally known these are women.

Women are more likely to have a disadvantaged position on the labour market, e.g. due to higher incidence of precarious contracts, on voluntary part-time and a persistent unfavourable pay gap (17.4% on average in the EU in 2007 with figures up to 30.3% in Estonia) with repercussions on their lifetime earnings, social security protection and pensions, resulting in higher ‘at-risk of poverty rates’, especially once in retirement. In 2007, the at-risk of poverty rate was higher for women (17 %) than men (15 %) and this gap was especially high for older persons (22 % for women compared to 17% for men) and single parents (34 %).

However, the unemployment rate measure does not necessarily capture the full impact of the changing economic conditions on both women and men. Indeed national data confirm that falling employment rates for women are not necessarily accompanied by similar rises in unemployment rates. Women are often part-time unemployed and are not classified as unemployed but as (part-time) employed and thus women’s unemployment can be regarded as underestimated in relation to men’s. In order to measure women’s unemployment in the same way as men’s, greater attention should be paid to part-time unemployment and it should be treated and published the same comprehensive way as full-time unemployment. The trends in employment and the data they are bases on can be questioned. In the EU, it has been decided that individually-based statistics household be disaggregated by sex. However, this is only the first step in the direction of data which can catch the differences between women and men.

Font foto: eleconomista.es

En el marc de l’informe que estic preparant per a la Comissió de Drets de les Dones i Igualtat d’Oportunitats en relació a l’impacte de gènere de la Crisi Financera i Econòmica (Gender Impact of the Economic and Financial Crisis) inicio una sèrie d’apunts en què aniré exposant el contingut de la meva proposta, la qual haurà de ser sotmesa a votació al Parlament Europeu. Els tres apunts següents tenen a veure amb la part explicatòria (descripció de motius i context), als quals seguirà una altra sèria d’apunts amb el contingut pròpiament dit de l’informe /incloent, per tant, els considerants i l’articulat, que és la part que la Comissió FEMM haurà de votar). Vull agrair de manera molt especial la feina feta per Elisabeth Horstkoetter en l’el.laboració del present text:

Explanatory statement: Gender impact of the economic and financial crisis  (PART 1 of 3)

Introduction

The world economy is facing the most severe recession since the Great Depression. ‘The global financial crisis has become a wider economic crisis. There has been a crash of the global financial system, speculative bubbles and wild swings in values attached to housing, stocks, commodities (including food and energy); over-financialisation of the economy with consequent instabilities, the bankruptcy and near-bankruptcy of banks and other major financial institutions, failure in the provision of credit to the ‘real economy’ with consequent detrimental effects on the real economy and the quality of people’s lives’. Hundreds of millions of people have lost their jobs, their income, their savings and their homes.

Equality between women and men is one of the objectives of the European Union and must be an inherent part of all political responses. The initial crisis and subsequent recovery plans at European, national and international (G20) level however have failed to acknowledge, understand, analyse and rectify the gender impact of the crisis.

Gender inequality the cause and consequence of the financial and economic crisis

The financial and economic crisis is gendered in its nature and in its effects. All categories of the recovery policies are gendered: reform of the financial governance, supporting industrial sectors and companies, supporting labour markets; supporting investment; and supporting household purchasing power.

Women are under-represented in most financial decision-making. ‘The governance of the financial architecture is gendered in the principles, aims, practices and knowledge base that underpin decisions; and in the composition of the governing bodies where there is a huge underrepresentation of women’.  Not one governor of the central banks of the EU member States is a woman. Only one of the six members of the executive board of the governing council for the European Central Bank is a woman. All governance of the financial architecture is gendered in the principles, aims, practices and knowledge base that underpins decisions; and in the composition of the governing bodies where there is a hug under-representation.

To include women in financial decision making means to include different priorities and practices which may be advantageous to the social system as a whole as well as to women. One of these is their approach to risk taking. Others include their preferences for public service provision of education and health, which support not only gender equality but also long term development of human capital.

The face of the recession is a man’s face. Press articles focus on striking men in industry, manufacturing plants closing down and bankers losing their bonuses. Women are non existent in this picture; there has been no detailed analysis of the female dimension and the differing impacts on women. What is the gender composition of the employment in the industrial sector and companies that are given financial support? This question matters because a support for the future of men’s rather than women’s employment increases rather than decreases gender inequality.

Is feminization of management a protection against the crisis?

It is hard to escape the fact that almost all decision-makers in the economic crisis are men. “Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac were headed by men when they got out of control and made loans to people with low incomes to people with big dreams who did not know any better. AIG in the US, Northern Rock in the UK, and Hypo-Bank in Germany – all were headed by men.

If Lehman Brothers had been Lehman sisters, run by women instead of men, would the credit crunch have happened? Both feminist and mainstream economists have pointed out that the credit crunch is quite literally a man-made disaster. The crunch has emboldened advocates of boardroom diversity, who insist we now need to get more women at the top in financial institutions as a matter of urgency. Male failure might open up opportunities for women to smash through the glass ceiling.

Iceland is leading the way. Since its humiliating economic collapse, the island nation in the North Atlantic has turned over key levers of finance to women. It now has a female prime minister, and women lead two of its major banks, replacing men who were blamed for crashing the institutions with reckless excess.

The theory that women could have had a restraining effect on the excesses of men is made clear in a French study called ‘Global Financial Crisis: Are women the antidote?’ Published in October by French business school Ceram, it shows that firms in the CAC40 (the French equivalent to the Dow Jones or FTSE indices) with a higher ratio of women in management have shown better resistance to the financial crisis.

Michel Ferrary, a professor at Ceram in France, believes that gender balance is the key to taming the culture of risk-taking that has dominated the financial sectors of many nations. He found out that banks with greater gender balance have navigated the economic crisis far better than banks with less gender balance. ‘Several gender studies have pointed out that women behave and manage in a different way than men. They tend to avoid risk and to focus more on a long term perspective. A larger proportion of female managers balance the risk taking behaviour of their male colleagues’.

Employment inequality is still the norm in boardrooms across the globe, where men in suits continue to dominate both exec and non-exec role. Yet legislation in Norway has effectively addressed this imbalance. Spain has passed a similar law; within seven years, companies must give four out of 10 board seats to women.

In June 2003, the Norwegian government submitted a legislative proposal aimed at achieving 50% female representation on the boards of all public and lager private companies. On 1 January 2006, rules on gender representation on company boards came into force in Norway. The new regulations state that there should be a minimum proportion of both sexes on the board, of approximately 40%.

Veure també:

Informe Romeva sobre
Gènere i Crisi: Introducció (Part 2 de 3)

Informe Romeva sobre
Gènere i Crisi: Introducció (Part 3 de 3)

Font foto: viking direct

Fa temps que diversos chefs de reconegut prestigi, entre els quals Carme Ruscalleda, reclamen la possibilitat de poder servir meduses cuinades en els seus menús (veure l’article  Fish or foul? Chef wants jellyfish on menu publicat a la BBC el passat 10 de setembre). Un dia vaig sentir que en parlava a la ràdio i com es lamentava que, actualment, no és possible fer-ho en virtut d’una Regulació de la UE segons la qual les meduses no es poden considerar ‘aliment’.
Vaig pensar que tenia tota la raó i em vaig començar a interessar pel tema. De vegades, normatives que tenen sentit en un moment determinat el perden segons com evolucionen les coses. Aquest, crec, és un d’aquests casos. Tot plegat m’ha portat a documentar-me i a demanar a la Comissió Europea, via pregunta parlamentària, de modificar aquesta trava legal per tal de permetre introduir en la cuina, catalana o no, aquesta especialitat que ja consumeixen en d’altres parts del món.

Adjunto a continuació la pregunta argumentada:

Written Question by Raül Romeva to the European Commission on The possibility of reclassifying jellyfish as foodstuff

In July of 2009, the Commission’s Directorate General responsible for environment released a news alert warning of a “huge rise in jellyfish populations around the world” due to human activities.  While climate change has led to warming coastal waters that are favourable to this marine creature, overfishing has diminished stocks of the animal’s traditional predators, such as herring and sardines.  The recent bloom of jellyfish, according to the DG article, poses the risk of becoming “destructive” unless early action is taken.  Abundant anecdotal evidence suggests that typical beachgoers in Southern Europe have already felt the effects of this wave: in August of 2006, for example, the BBC reported that up to 30,000 holidaymakers in the Mediterraneanhad been stung by jellyfish since the summer began.

As a response to our changing marine environment, one possible response on the part of the Commission could be to reclassify jellyfish as foodstuff, a change for which numerous European chefs have been pushing.  Last September, the BBC published an article about the efforts of celebrated Catalan chef Carme Ruscalleda in convincing people of the nutritional benefits of eating European species of jellyfish, which she describes as tasting “fresher” than the Asian-imported types she serves in her restaurant.  Currently, what is stopping Ms. Ruscalleda from serving European varieties of jellyfish is Commission Regulation (EU) No 86/2010, adopted on 29 January 2010, which describes jellyfish as a non-fishery item.

Yet given the clear environmental benefits to serving and eating jellyfish, how does the Commission justify its current ban on jellyfish as foodstuff?  Furthermore, when did the Commission first explicitly define jellyfish as a non-fishery item?  After all, in Council Regulation (EC) No 1005/2008, which Commission Regulation (EU) No 86/2010 amended, jellyfish was not listed in Appendix 1 as a non-fishery item.  Why did this change occur?  Finally, what, if any, measures is the Commission taking towards reclassifying local jellyfish as foodstuff?

Foto: L’espècie Cotylorhiza tuberculata, per exemple, és força abundant i no és de les més urticants. Font: BBC

Se’ns acaba de presentar l’aposta 2020 de la Comissió Europea que pretén substituir la fracassada estratègia de Lisboa, com esperàvem, ens arriba curta de mires, mancada d’ambicions i, almenys a parer meu, marcada per una voluntat continuïsta d’una Estratègia, la de Lisboa, que ja va fracassar pels mateixos motius.

Em preocupa, si bé no em sorprèn, les dificultats que té la Comissió per assumir la urgència d’avançar cap a un veritable Green New Deal, una Revolució Verda que permeti fer front a les diferents crisis que ens afecten amb garanties de resultats a curt, mig i llarg termini.

La CE repeteix errors: presenta un programa sense exigir obligacions. Calen compromisos concrets i capacitat d’exigir resultats. Per altra banda, resulta també preocupant l’obsessió de la Comissió a l’hora de basar tota acció destinada a promoure el desenvolupament econòmic en el simple creixement del PIB.

Toca recordar que aquesta és una estratègia abocada al fracàs. El creixement del PIB no proporciona en absolut, per ell mateix, millores en la igualtat social, ni garanteix un millor medi ambient ni fa més felices les persones.

Tot plegat ha fet que des del Grup Verds/ALE alguns membres del Parlament Europeu reaccionéssim a la proposta de manera clarament crítica i reclamant més ambició i coherència: (segueix…)

PRESS RELEASE – Brussels, 3 March 2010

EU 2020 Strategy
Commission presents myopic attempt at 2020 vision

The Commission today published its Communication on the Europe 2020 Strategy. The Greens/EFA Group is meanwhile hosting a conference addressing the sustainability of this strategy in comparison to a “Green New Deal”. (1)  Green MEPs Raül Romeva, Claude Turmes and Philippe Lamberts commented:

?The Barroso II Commission is serving up a Lisbon Strategy II. The Commission Communication represents more short-sighted obsession with growth and competitiveness, instead of 2020 vision for Europe’s sustainable future and quality of life. The EU 2020 Strategy fails to provide the blueprint for a future based on an integrated, triple focus on economy, environment and social issues. Only a Green New Deal will deliver green jobs and sustainable solutions to the current crisis.

The Commission is repeating the mistakes of the Lisbon Strategy by presenting a programme without demanding obligations. We need binding targets for critical issues such as resource and energy efficiency, as well as for social objectives. The restated 20/20/20 (2) targets are inadequate to meet the challenge of climate change and they demonstrate a lack of ambition for Europe?s future. Concrete targets must also be set for the preservation of biodiversity.

The Commission’s rigid attachment to GDP growth as the driving target for economic development is a recipe for repeated failure. GDP growth does not automatically provide improved social equality, better environmental protection or a happier life for citizens. New indicators are needed. We particularly call for a target for better distribution of income in the Europe 2020 programme.

We regret that Barroso caved in to pressure from Member States and backtracked on the crucial question of conditionality for European funding. European funds must only be allocated where environmental and social conditions are fulfilled. The EU’s structural funds are doing more to contribute to climate change than to fight it. This must change.

The weakness of the Commission’s Communication on the EU 2020 Strategy is the logical conclusion of its lack of consultation with the European Parliament, social partners, civil society and regional and local actors. We must now unite forces to present a better vision for 2020.”

Note to editors:

(1) Programme: http://www.greens-efa.org/cms/default/dok/328/328736.europe_2020_agenda_a_path_or_barrier_to@en.htm

Livestream at: http://www.greenmediabox.eu/live/)

(2  The European Union adopted a unilateral 20% CO2 emissions reduction on, (30% if other industrialised countries make comparable efforts) a 20% share of renewable energy and a (non-binding) aim of 20% increase of energy efficiency by 2020.


Foto: Durao Barroso defensant la seva postura al PE. Font: Euroexpress.

La Comissió Barroso II comença a mostrar, sense cap mena de pudor, les seves credencials. Un dels motius pels quals algunes i alguns no el vàrem votar va ser per la seva gens amagada connivència amb determinats actors com les multinacionals promotores de productes Genèticament Modificats (OGM). Avui n’hem tingut un nou i preocuant exemple amb l’autorització (la primera en 12 anys) d’un nou cultiu per a una varietat genèticament modificada d’una planta(veure nota sobre decisió Comissió). El nou comissari europeu de Salut i Protecció dels Consumidors, John Dalli, ha donat avui llum verda a la varietat de patata “Amflora” (pensada principalment per a aplicacions industrials), produïda per la farmacèutica alemana BASF. Adjunto la nota que n’he fet al respecte:

COMUNICADO DE PRENSA – Bruselas, 2 de marzo de 2010-03-02

Transgénicos

La comisión autoriza la patata ‘Amflora’ a pesar de las dudas a nivel sanitario y las reticencias de los consumidores

La Comisión Europea ha expedido hoy la primera autorización en 12 años de nuevo cultivo para una variedad genéticamente modificada de una planta. El recién instalado comisario europeo de Salud y Protección de los Consumidores, John Dalli, ha dado hoy luz verde a la variedad de patata “Amflora” (pensada principalmente para aplicaciones industriales), producida por la compañía farmacéutica alemana BASF.

El eurodiputado de los Verdes/ALE Raül Romeva ha comentado:

“Me ha chocado que el comisario de Salud y Protección de los Consumidores sólo haya necesitado unas pocas semanas en su nueva posición para mostrar tal apoyo flagrante a los intereses industriales por delante de los intereses generales que debe defender desde su cartera. Su decisión de autorizar la patata Amflora es una bofetada al 70% de consumidores contrarios a los alimentos genéticamente modificados, así como a la clara posición anti-transgénica del Parlamento Europeo.”

“Hay serias reservas sobre el hecho de que Amflora contenga un gen marcador de resistencia a los antibióticos,  una técnica obsoleta. La  Agencia Europea de Seguridad de los Alimentos se desacredita sosteniendo que es ‘poco probable’ que la presencia de este gen tenga efectos sobre la salud humana o el medio ambiente, una asunción que es rechazada por la Organización Mundial de la Salud . Permanecen serias  dudas sobre las posibles consecuencias para la salud humana y el medio ambiente. Como ciertas variedades no transgénicas ya han probado tener las mismas características diseñadas en Amflora, sólo puedo sacar la conclusión que esta autorización es en el mejor de los casos innecesaria y en el peor de ellos peligrosa.”

Foto: Patates transgèniques de BASF. Font: EFE

Adjunto la carta que hem enviat el Bureau de l’Intergrup pro Drets LGBT del Parlament Europeu a diferents persones amb responsabilitat en Política Exterior de la Comissió i del Consell, en relació a la situació que viuen les persones LGBT a països com Uganda, Malawi i Kènia, i com entenem que cal tractar aquesta qüestió en el marc de les relacions UE-ACP:

To:             Baroness Ashton of Upholland
High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy

                  Mr Andris Piebalgs
European Commissioner for Development

                  Mr Domenico Rosa
Head of Unit, EU and ACP Institutional Relations

                  Mr Kamalesh Sharma
Commonwealth Secretary-General

                  Baroness Kinnock of Holyhead
UK Minister for Africa

Concerns:  Worrying developments in Uganda, Malawi and Kenya

Brussels, 26^th February 2010

Dear _____,

We are deeply concerned that the situation of sexual minorities in Uganda, Malawi and Kenya is worsening steadfastly.

The Ugandan parliament is currently debating a bill condemning the ‘crime’ of homosexuality with fines, imprisonment and the death penalty, as well as fining and imprisoning their families and allies of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people. A heated public debate has developed unwaveringly since last September, and a sizeable proportion of Ugandan citizens—homosexuals or human rights defenders—are increasingly threatened and attacked. The European Parliament expressed its strong concern about these developments, and called on the Council and the Commission to make their opposition known to Ugandan authorities[1][1].

Malawian authorities have made a series of arrests among human rights defenders who put up posters asserting the rights of LGBT people. Furthermore, the prosecution of two men who performed a traditional marriage ceremony will likely lead to a lengthy prison term. National public figures have repeatedly called for violence against gay and lesbian people.

In neighbouring Kenya, a series of calculated moves led to mob violence against LGBT people in the Mtwapa township. Apart from the Kenyan Human Rights Commission, authorities have remained silent. An implicitly endorsed climate of growing hatred affects LGBT people, an increasing number of whom are going into hiding, according to local human rights defenders.

International solidarity demands that the European Union and its Member States step up and continue their efforts to promote the universality of human rights. We are aware of the fact that the Commission, as well as Member States such as the United Kingdom and Sweden, have expressed their concerns both formally and informally to authorities in Uganda.

Bearing in mind the widespread international condemnations of the above developments as well as your earlier efforts to curb hate violence in the region, we urge you to continue working with workers on the ground and diplomatic representations to ensure these issues remain high on the political agenda. In particular, we are keen to know that your services will bear these situations in mind in their diplomatic dealings with individual countries, as well as in the current renegotiations of the Cotonou Agreement. We firmly believe that the inclusion of non-discrimination on the grounds listed in Article 19 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, including sex and sexual orientation, is a sine qua none condition to renew the Agreement with African Caribbean and Pacific countries.

Looking forward to hearing your views about these pressing matters,

On behalf of the European Parliament’s Intergroup on LGBT Rights,

Yours sincerely, (segueix…)

Michael Cashman MEP

Ulrike Lunacek MEP     

Sophie In’t Veld MEP

Raül Romeva i Rueda MEP

Sirpa Pietikäinen MEP

Rui Tavares MEP

Carbon copy:   Louis Michel MEP
Vice-president, ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly

                        Eva Joly MEP
Chairwoman, Committee on Development

Font foto: Getty images