L’acusació formulada ahir pel fiscal del Tribunal Penal Internacional és un episodi més de la campanya encetadafa dècades i accelerada a partir de la conferència de Durban contra el racisme per tal de deslegitimar Israel pintant-lo com un estat producte del colonialisme, racista i equiparable al nazisme. Aqueixes aberracions històriques i polítiques han progressat globalment per l’afany de tots els totalitarismes que convergeixen en el suport a la causa palestina, inclòs el progressisme occidental que ha acabat assumint el relat autodestructiu del wokisme antisemita.
Una mostra d’aqueixa inversió són les acusacions d’estats anti-occidentals, és a dir, antidemocràtics, com Nicaragua i la República Sudafriacana contra Israel davant el TPI acusant-lo de crims contra la humanitat i genocidi. El poble jueu és víctima de massacres persistents a la seva terra ancestral des de 1830 per part de les autoritats otomanes i les poblacions àrabs, com ha acreditat Georges Bensoussan. El gihadisme palestí, amb el suport del règim iranià, és el continuador d’aqueixa voluntat genocida que es proclama “del riu al mar” i cerca legimitar els seus propòsits amb la campanya multidimensional orientada a justificar la destrucció de l’estat-nació del poble jueu.
Només aqueix antisemitisme ambiental globalitzat explica que un veritable genocida com el president iranià mort abans d’ahir sigui exonerat dels seus crims presentant-lo mediàticament com un “conservador” i guardant el consell de seguretat de l’ONU un minut de ssilenci en honor seu. La demonització d’Israel porta als seus fanàtics propulsors a edulcorar els actors que aspiren a materialitzar-lo, com en aqueix cas Al Raisi, obviant la repressió que exerceix contra el seu propi poble i fent córrer la brama conspiracionista que veu la mà del Mosad rere la mort del carnisser de Teheran.
Avui, Tammy Caner , Pnina Sharvit Baruch han publicat aqueixa valoració a l’INSS d’Israel: The Significance of the Request for Arrest Warrants Against Netanyahu and Gallant.
In relation to Hamas, Khan claimed that there is a reasonable basis to assume that Sinwar, Deif, and Haniyeh are criminally responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including extermination, murder, sexual violence and rape, holding hostages, torture, inhuman acts, cruel treatment, and a serious violation of personal dignity in the circumstances of captivity. Khan also called for the immediate release of the hostages. In this aspect, it is a positive development that gives a legal answer to the claims of those who deny or justify the actions of Hamas.
In relation to Israel, Khan claimed there is a reasonable basis for assuming that Prime Minister Netanyahu and Minister of Defense Gallant bear criminal responsibility for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including starvation of the population, causing suffering and serious injury to body or health, cruel treatment, malicious killing and murder, deliberate attacks against civilians, extermination, preventing the transfer of humanitarian aid, persecution, and inhuman acts. According to Khan, the evidence gathered by the investigation teams indicates that Israel has acted deliberately and systematically to deprive the civilian population in Gaza of essential means for their survival. This is through the imposition of a complete siege on the Gaza Strip, as part of a plan to use starvation as a method of warfare and other acts of violence, including collective punishment of the population. The requested arrest warrants focus at this stage on Israel’s humanitarian policy in the Gaza Strip, which explains why they were requested only against the political echelon. However, the prosecutor notes that he continues to investigate claims concerning widespread bombings in Gaza, as well as acts of sexual crimes by Hamas.
It is important to note that the orders have not yet been issued. A request has been submitted to the pre-trial court, composed of three judges, which will decide whether to issue the warrants. If the request is accepted, it will be the first time that arrest warrants are issued against the heads of a democratic state. In this case, each of the 124 member states of the Court will be obliged to arrest the prime minister and the minister of defense if they arrive on their territory. Claims of immunity from arrest based on the laws of the state will likely not be accepted. In addition, the issuance of the warrants is expected to affect other proceedings in Israel’s case, including the genocide proceeding at the International Court of Justice that South Africa is conducting against Israel.
One should pay attention to the signal that Khan is sending to Israel regarding the principle of complementarity. According to this principle, the court has the authority to conduct investigations and proceedings regarding the commission of crimes, only when the state does not act on its own. Khan emphasizes that his office will continue to examine compliance with the principle of complementarity in relation to the alleged crimes and other lines of investigation, only if there are thorough investigations and professional legal procedures regarding the actions and policies underlying the request. The request for the arrest warrants indicates a lack of confidence in Israel’s claims that it respects the laws of war and constitutes another serious blow to Israel’s international status. The comparison drawn from it between the actions of Israel and those of Hamas is particularly serious.
Post Scriptum, 22 de maig del 2024.
Avui, a Le Figaro, Rachel Khan (juriste, scénariste, actrice et écrivain. Elle est l’auteur de “Encore debout. La République à l’épreuve des mots” Éditions de L’Observatoire, 2024), adreça aqueixa lletra oberta, «Monsieur le procureur général de la CPI, il faut un Tribunal de Nuremberg du 7 octobre, voilà tout».
Post Scriptum, 25 de maig del 2024.
Ron Ben-Yishai analitzà ahir a Yedioth Ahronoth la resolució del TPI sobre l’ofenssiva de Rafah: “El fallo de La Haya no limita a Israel, pero compromete su legitimidad para defenderse. El tribunal adoptó la posición estadounidense. La decisión puede incluso favorecer a Israel, si sabe aprovecharlo“.
Post Scriptum, 3 de juny del 2024.
Michel Laval, un eminent jurista francès publica avui a The Times of Israel: “Comment se taire face aux accusations de génocide imaginaire ?
Post Scriptum, 11 de juny del 2024.
Avui Tribune Juive publica aqueixa ressenya: “Noëlle Lenoir, le meilleur avocat français relie la guerre judiciaire contre Israël à la bataille des pays du Sud contre les démocraties.
Post Scriptum, 14 de juny del 2024.
Ahir, al Jerusalem Post Neville Berman va publicar aqueix article punyent: “How the ICC twisted the lessons of the Nuremberg, Tokyo trials. The recent actions of the chief prosecutor of the ICC to want to issue arrest warrants against two leaders of Israel are against the very foundational principles of the mandate of the ICC.”
Post Scriptum, 27 de juny del 2024.
La revista K. publicà el proppassat 22 de maig aqueixa entrevista a Yann Jurovics sobre la Cour Pénale Internationale: “les dirigeants au banc des accusés“.
Post Scriptum, 19 de juliol del 2024.
El TPI acaba de llençar un míssil contra Israel des de La Haia considerant il·legal l’ocupació israeliana de Judea i Samària. Aqueixa reflexió de Zvika Klein aqui al Jerusalem Post em sembla ben ponderada, “ICJ sips espresso while Tel Aviv coffee shops burn: a tale of legal myopia”.
Picture this: A judge in The Hague, sipping coffee and flipping through a stack of documents, while a Yemeni Houthi drone crashed into a Tel Aviv building, killing an Israeli citizen and injuring ten. They’re drinking coffee while coffee shops in Tel Aviv closed due to terror. While they were drinking their espressos on Friday morning, ahead of a useless hearing, missiles were sent from Lebanon towards Israeli towns, and Hamas kept on hiding 120 Israeli hostages in their underground tunnels.
It’s in this serene environment that the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has declared Israeli settlements in the West Bank and east Jerusalem illegal under international law. ICJ judges, are you genuinely supporting a terrorist organization with this ruling?
Let’s start with the glaring omissions. The ICJ conveniently forgets the historical and legal mess that is the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The West Bank and east Jerusalem, captured by Israel in the 1967 Six-Day War—a defensive conflict, mind you—have never been sovereign Palestinian territories. But why bother with such details when you can make sweeping declarations from the comfort of The Hague? Do you prefer your judgments to be based on convenience rather than facts?
The ICJ also seems to have a selective memory regarding security concerns. Israeli settlements act as crucial buffers against the kind of aggressions that tend to happen when your neighbors aren’t exactly sending you fruit baskets. Judea and Samaria have been a breeding ground for terrorist attacks against Israeli civilians. Suggesting that Israel dismantle these settlements without any security guarantees is like telling someone to take off their bulletproof vest in the middle of a shootout. Do you believe Israel should compromise its security for a romantic fantasy?
And then there’s the historical connection. The Jewish ties to east Jerusalem, home to the holiest sites in Judaism, stretch back thousands of years. But the ICJ waves this off as if it’s an annoying pop-up ad. Reducing millennia of Jewish presence to a mere political squabble is an insult to history and common sense. Are you seriously that dismissive of a people’s ancient heritage?
The timing of this opinion is as impeccable as ever. It predates the current Israel-Hamas conflict but was delivered amidst heightened tensions. It’s almost as if the ICJ wanted to pour gasoline on a fire. Funny how that works. Are you deliberately trying to escalate the situation?
The UN General Assembly’s request to the ICJ is just another chapter in its long history of anti-Israel bias. Israel gets condemned by UN bodies more often than a bad restaurant on Yelp. This consistent targeting undermines the credibility of the UN and, by extension, the ICJ. But who needs credibility when you have politics? Do you enjoy turning severe legal matters into a circus?
The ICJ’s ruling is just the latest example of the Western world’s favorite pastime: abandoning Israel when it’s most convenient. During the 1973 Yom Kippur War, Western nations took their sweet time sending support while Israel faced coordinated attacks. It was only after significant casualties that aid finally showed up. Thanks a lot. Is it acceptable to delay aid until the damage is done? Then, in 2015, the West couldn’t sign the Iran Nuclear Deal fast enough, ignoring Israel’s legitimate security concerns. Prioritizing appeasement over real threats to Israel’s existence—what could go wrong? Are you comfortable with empowering regimes that openly call for Israel’s destruction?
The 2016 UN Security Council Resolution 2334 is another classic example. The Obama administration’s abstention on a resolution declaring Israeli settlements a violation of international law was another instance where political convenience triumphed over standing by your allies. Do you believe that abandoning allies is a sound strategy? And who could forget the Durban Conference in 2001? What was supposed to be a conference on racism turned into an anti-Israel bash-fest, with Western countries doing little to stop the madness. It set the stage for the one-sided judgment we see today from the ICJ. Do you condone such biased spectacles under the guise of international diplomacy?
These instances show a disturbing trend: when political winds change, the West is quick to throw Israel under the bus, prioritizing short-term gains over a balanced approach to Middle eastern peace and security. Do you not see the dangerous precedent this sets for global diplomacy?
The ICJ’s advisory opinion on Israeli settlements is less about law and more about politics. It dismisses the historical, security, and legal complexities of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, reinforcing international biases against Israel. True peace requires direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, free from external pressures and biased judicial opinions. Until then, can we expect more of the same old, same old from the ICJ and its ilk?
Post Scriptum, 10 d’agost del 2024.
Mentre que els experts militars desmenteixen les acusacions del fiscal del TPI contra els responsables de les FDI ( “Des généraux retraités expliquent à la CPI que Khan n’a pas de preuve contre Israël. Des officiers supérieurs américains, italiens et britanniques ont déclaré que des mandats contre le Premier ministre et Gallant établiraient des “normes intolérables et irréalistes”, explica ahir The Times of Israel), la UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese, sense contrastar res, “accuses Israel of ‘genocide’ after strike on Gaza school“.
Post Scriptum, 19 d’agost del 2024.
Avui al Jerusalem Post publica allò que no diuen els mitjans nostrats: “High level military group challenges ICC’s arrest warrants against Israeli leaders citing evidence of Israel’s commitment to humanitarian aid“.
Post Scriptum, 24 de novembre del 2024.
Editorial d’abans d’ahir del Jerusalem Post: “ICC risks its credible reputation with warrants against Netanyahu and Gallant“. Freddy Eytan, avui a The Times of Israel: “L’injustice triomphe à la Haye et les assassins jubilent“.
Us ha agradat aquest article? Compartiu-lo!